What is the National Alliance?

IDEOLOGY OF THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE
GENERAL PRINCIPLES
i. A Natural Order
ii. The Law of Inequality
iii. A Hierarchy of Responsibilities
SUMMARY STATEMENT OF BELIEF
NATIONAL ALLIANCE GOALS
i. White Living Space
ii. An Aryan Society
iii. A Responsible Government
iv. A New Educational System
iiv. An Economic Policy Based on Racial Principles
PROGRAM OF THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE
ACTIVITIES OF NATIONAL ALLIANCE MEMBERS
HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE
WHY YOU SHOULD JOIN THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE
REQUIREMENTS FOR MEMBERSHIP




Building a New White World
Prepared by the National Office of the National Alliance - www.natall.com

IDEOLOGY OF THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE

The National Alliance is not only working to achieve certain goals; it also stands for a comprehensive view of life, or worldview. Its goals have not been chosen arbitrarily in reaction to current social, racial, or economic problems, the way the Democrats or Republicans put together a party platform for election purposes; instead they follow naturally from Alliance ideology.



GENERAL PRINCIPLES

A Natural Order

We see ourselves as integral with a unitary world around us, which evolves according to natural law. In the simplest words: There is only one reality, which we call Nature: not the "my reality" and "your reality" of the subjectivists and not the separate spiritual and physical realms of the supernaturalists. We are a part of Nature and subject to Nature's laws. Within the scope of these laws we are able to determine our own destiny. If we err in our efforts there is no one to protect us from the consequences of our folly or our weakness. In other words, we ourselves are responsible for everything over which we have the power of choice: in particular, for the state of our environment and for the destiny of our race.

This view may be contrasted with the Semitic view, which separates man from the rest of the world and postulates a divine but nevertheless manlike being who rules man and the world by supernatural law. Those who hold this view absolve themselves of responsibility for their fate. When faced with an undesired outcome of events they say, "It is God's (or Yahweh's or Allah's) will. "They believe that it is not necessary for men to concern themselves with the future beyond planning for their own needs, because their god has everything under control.

During the time when Europe was most strongly under the influence of Semitic ideology (and also today in some countries under Islamic rule, as well as among some fundamentalist Jewish and Christian sects in America and elsewhere), it was considered impious for a man to infringe upon the deity's prerogatives: specifically, to attempt to understand or influence the phenomena of Nature, or to change venerable social institutions.



The Law of Inequality

Our world is hierarchical. Each of us is a member of the Aryan (or European) race, which, like the other races, developed its special characteristics over many thousands of years during which natural selection not only adapted it to its environment but also advanced it along its evolutionary path. Those races which evolved in the more demanding environment of the North, where surviving a winter required planning and self-discipline, advanced more rapidly in the development of the higher mental faculties -- including the abilities to conceptualize, to solve problems, to plan for the future, and to postpone gratification -- than those which remained in the relatively unvarying climate of the tropics. Consequently, the races vary today in their capabilities to build and to sustain a civilized society and, more generally, in their abilities to lend a conscious hand to Nature in the task of evolution.

Furthermore, just as the races may be ordered according to their levels of development, so may the individuals within a race. Some are better able to understand the world around them than others; some are more creative; some have better self-discipline or a stronger will; some have a more highly developed sense of responsibility. In a well-ordered society these differences will be reflected in varying degrees of influence or control over the course of the society being exercised by the various members of the society, according to their varying individual qualities.

In contrast to our view is that of the egalitarians, who believe that the differences in the levels of civilization of the different races and the differences in the social positions of individuals in our society are purely circumstantial and can be changed easily by changing the circumstances: e.g., the level of civilization in Black Africa can be brought up to the European level and kept there by providing economic and technical aid to make up for past "injustices," such as colonialism; and any individual can fill any position in society if he is given certain "advantages," such as good schools and a good home environment. Differences in attainment, standard of living, and degree of social influence, among races and among individuals, are therefore unnatural and unjust and should be done away with, according to the egalitarians.



A Hierarchy of Responsibilities

As individuals who are conscious of our own nature and of our relationship to the rest of the world, we have an inevitable hierarchy of obligations or responsibilities.

First, we have an obligation to the Nature of which we are a part to participate as effectively as we can in its eternal quest for higher levels of development, higher forms of life.

This obligation has been recognized and expressed by our poets and philosophers throughout our history. Friedrich Nietzsche told us that our first responsibility is to help prepare the world for the coming of a higher type of man. George Bernard Shaw wrote that we are obliged to serve the Life Force in its striving to know itself more fully: i.e., to achieve higher levels of consciousness.

Second, we have an obligation to our race as a collective agent of progress. Nature has refined and honed the special qualities embodied in the Aryan race so we would be better able to fulfill the mission allotted to us. Even though Nature also has developed other forms of life, including other races of man, we have a special obligation to our own race: to ensure its survival, to safeguard its unique characteristics, to improve its quality.

Third, we have an obligation to those members of our race who are most conscious of their own obligations and most active in meeting them. Thus, there is a bond of comradeship between us and those who also are working for the same cause.

Finally, we have a responsibility to ourselves to be the best and strongest individuals that we can be.

Our acceptance of this hierarchy of responsibilities is in contrast to the attitude of the individualists, who do not recognize a responsibility to anyone but themselves; and to that of the humanists, who eschew their racial responsibility.



SUMMARY STATEMENT OF BELIEF

We may summarize in the following statement the ideology outlined above:

We see ourselves as a part of Nature, subject to Nature's law. We recognize the inequalities which arise as natural consequences of the evolutionary process and which are essential to progress in every sphere of life. We accept our responsibilities as Aryan men and women to strive for the advancement of our race in the service of Life, and to be the fittest instruments for that purpose that we can be.



NATIONAL ALLIANCE GOALS

Our goals follow from this world view, and like it they are evolutionary. That is, our goals for the next decade are steps on the way to our goals for the next quarter-century, which in turn are steps on the way to the things we want to achieve a century from now, and so on. It may seem unrealistic for us to describe in detail the type of world we are aiming at a millennium or even a century hence, because, although we know the principles which must govern that world, we cannot be sure exactly how they will be realized. Not only are there the uncertainties of fortune, but we expect to learn from our experiences and to modify accordingly the ways in which we implement our principles.

Nevertheless, it is useful to have a concrete picture now of the world for which we are striving, even though we understand that this picture will evolve, and its details will change. If we think of the world that we want to forge from the ruins of the present world, we might fix our sights on things as we would make them a quarter-century hence, after our enemies have been vanquished, the strife of revolution has subsided, and the spiritual and physical debris of this era has been cleared away. We can then describe, at least in outline, certain essential features that new world must have.

They are, in brief:



White Living Space

In spiritually healthier times our ancestors took as theirs those parts of the world suited by climate and terrain to our race: in particular, all of Europe and the temperate zones of the Americas, not to mention Australia and the southern tip of Africa. This was our living area and our breeding area, and it must be so again. After the sickness of "multiculturalism," which is destroying America, Britain, and every other Aryan nation in which it is being promoted, has been swept away, we must again have a racially clean area of the earth for the further development of our people. We must have White schools, White residential neighborhoods and recreation areas, White workplaces, White farms and countryside. We must have no non-Whites in our living space, and we must have open space around us for expansion.

We will do whatever is necessary to achieve this White living space and to keep it White. We will not be deterred by the difficulty or temporary unpleasantness involved, because we realize that it is absolutely necessary for our racial survival. The long-term demographic trend toward a darker world, which the disastrous policies of the last century have caused, must not only be halted; it must be reversed.



An Aryan Society

We must have new societies throughout the White world which are based on Aryan values and are compatible with the Aryan nature. We do not need to homogenize the White world: there will be room for Germanic societies, Celtic societies, Slavic societies, Baltic societies, and so on, each with its own roots, traditions, and language. What we must have, however, is a thorough rooting out of Semitic and other non-Aryan values and customs everywhere. We must once again provide the sort of social and spiritual environment in which our own nature can express itself in music, in art and architecture, in literature, in philosophy and scholarship, in the mass media, and in the life-styles of the people.

In specific terms, this means a society in which young men and women gather to revel with polkas or waltzes, reels or jigs, or any other White dances, but never to undulate or jerk to negroid jazz or rock rhythms. It means pop music without Barry Manilow and art galleries without Marc Chagall. It means films in which the appearance of any non-White face on the screen is a sure sign that what's being shown is either archival newsreel footage or a historical drama about the bad, old days. It means neighborhoods, schools, work groups, and universities in which there is a feeling of family and comradeship, of a shared heritage and a shared destiny. It means a sense of rootedness, which in turn engenders a sense of responsibility and energizes a moral compass, so that people once again know instinctively what is wholesome and natural and what is degenerate and alien. It means spiritual feeling coming from the soul and unencumbered by superstition or dogma, soaring free and reaching far above today 's priest-ridden, church-bound spirituality.



A Responsible Government

We must have a government wholly committed to the service of our race and subject to no non-Aryan influence. It must be a government guided by fixed principles, yet able to respond in a flexible way to challenges and opportunities. It must be structured and organized in a way suited to its purpose of safeguarding and advancing the race, and it must be as immune to corruption and subversion as human genius can make it.

In America we have had ample experience with two tendencies in government. During the first century or so of the American republic, we had a government which to a large degree embodied the principle that the best government is the least government, reflecting the general distrust of governments which was shared by many of the framers of the U.S. Constitution. This government provided for the national defense, for the mails, and for a number of other functions more or less helpful or necessary to the orderly existence of the nation, but it interfered relatively little in the lives of its citizens and left most of them to take care of their personal needs in the way they saw fit.

With the growth of mass democracy (the abolition of poll taxes and other qualifications for voters, the enfranchisement of women and of non-Whites), the rise in the influence of the mass media on public opinion, and the insinuation of the Jews into a position of control over the media, the U.S. government was gradually transformed into the malignant monster it is today: the single most dangerous and destructive enemy our race has ever known.

Many patriots look back fondly at the government as it was in its first phase, when it was less democratic and less intrusive in the lives of citizens. Perhaps the time will come when we can afford to have a minimal government once again, but that time lies in the remote future. The fact is that we need a strong, centralized government spanning several continents to coordinate many important tasks during the first few decades of a White world: the racial cleansing of the land, the rooting out of racially destructive institutions, and the reorganization of society on a new basis.

The central task of a new government will be to reverse the racially devolutionary course of the last few millennia and keep it reversed: a long-term eugenics program involving at least the entire populations of Europe and America. Such a task is necessarily intrusive, and it will require large-scale organization.

The structural details of a new government are important, but they are not a matter of principle. One might even get the job done by continuing with mass democracy, simply by replacing the people who control the mass media with Alliance members, and perhaps that is a reasonable way to proceed during a transitional period. In the long run, however, we want an honest government, not one which hides behind the carefully managed illusion that tens of millions of voters are its real rulers. A government of and by politicians is not only grossly inefficient, it remains too susceptible to corruption and subversion, regardless of who controls the organs of public opinion.

We need a government every branch of which is staffed by people carefully selected and trained for their responsibilities, not by people who are merely liars with charisma. We need a government of men and women who actually respect that government, and whose attitude toward its mission is essentially religious: a government more like a holy order than like any existing secular government today. It might not be too much to say that the most important single institution in the government we want will be the one which selects, trains, and tests the people who will be the judges and the legislators and the executives in that government people who will be more like secular priests in their behavior and their attitude toward their work than like today's politicians and bureaucrats. The institution which prepares these people for their work must be incorruptible and single-minded, with our principles engraved in the souls of its teachers.



A New Educational System

A proper educational system serves three purposes: it passes a people's cultural, intellectual, and spiritual heritage from generation to generation; it teaches skills and techniques; and it guides the character development of individuals from childhood to adulthood. The first purpose is served by teaching facts and ideas: language, history, science, ethics, and so on.

The second purpose is served by teaching the child or young adult how to do things which will be useful to himself and/or society: how to play a musical instrument, how to weld, how to manage a business, how to type, how to repair a motor vehicle, how to fight with and without weapons, how to draw, how to swim, how to raise children, how to grow food, how to build a house.

The third purpose is served by challenging, testing, conditioning: by forcing the child to exercise his will, to discipline himself, to endure discomfort, to make plans and carry them out, to overcome fears, to accept responsibility, to be truthful, and generally to develop and strengthen those traits of character valued by a healthy Aryan society.

The present educational system in America completely neglects the third purpose and does poorly with the first two, even in those fortunate areas not yet encumbered with an appreciable "multicultural" contingent. The most important reason for its poor performance is that it has lost any clear understanding of purpose. In order to pass on a people's cultural, intellectual, and spiritual heritage, it must first know the answer to the question: Which people's heritage? Today such a question is Politically Incorrect and therefore not admissible.

Even half a century ago, before it became Politically Incorrect to understand that the heritage to be passed on is European, there was no depth of purpose. The reason for passing on the European heritage is not just to help young people qualify for higher-paid employment or become better dinner-table conversationalists. It is to instill in them a consciousness of what it means to be European -- a race consciousness -- and thereby to make racial patriots of them. Facts and ideas have a spiritual component, and this component must be emphasized in the educational process.

There certainly will be sexual and occupational specialization in the second area of educational activity, and sexual specialization in the third. Even in the first area, children undoubtedly will be separated according to ability: not every child needs to learn Greek and Latin and the infinitesimal calculus to acquire a feeling for his race and its ways. Nevertheless, a proper educational system should provide a common body of knowledge and understanding shared by everyone, so that every member of the society has a fully developed sense of peoplehood. The boy who aims at becoming a machinist should read Homer, at least in translation, and the boy who plans to teach literature should understand what it means to be a good welder, at least to the extent of trying his hand at it.

It is by pursuing the third purpose, however, that a new educational system will make the most radical contribution to Aryan society. Education which concerns itself with the development of the whole person and focuses as strongly on forming character as on imparting knowledge or teaching skills dates back to ancient Greece, and it enjoyed an all-too-brief revival earlier in the twentieth century in National Socialist Germany, before being outlawed by the advocates of permissiveness. Today permissiveness rules throughout the Aryan world. "Education" is something which takes place only in designated buildings for a few hours on prescribed days, under conditions approaching chaos. Inside or outside these buildings, discipline is minimal. Children grow up in a world without standards of performance, without clear guidelines for behavior, without any strong source of authority. We see the products of this system all around us: too many weak, indecisive men and too many unfeminine women; a general lack of significant goals and self-confidence; a self-indulgent population without self-discipline or inner strength, restlessly seeking "happiness."

By ensuring that each child born to our race grows into the strongest, most capable, most responsible, and most conscious future citizen that his genes make possible, we will gain an enormous advantage over any race without such an educational system.



An Economic Policy Based on Racial Principles

There are two fundamental criteria which must be used for judging each and every governmental intervention in economic matters. They are, first, the long-range welfare and progress of the race; and second, human nature. Which is to say that in evaluating any economic policy we must ask ourselves two questions: Will this policy ultimately be beneficial or detrimental to the quality of our race? And is it in accord with human nature?

We look first at the racial effects of a policy and insist that they must be positive -- or at least not negative -- and then we insist that the policy be based on a clear and realistic understanding of human nature, so that it is workable.

We can understand better the significance of these two principles if we consider briefly two quite different economic systems, Marxism and laissez-faire capitalism.

Marxist economics has human happiness rather than racial progress as its ostensible aim, and it is based on assumptions that are at odds with reality and with human nature. It aims at providing material comfort for everyone, more or less equally. It cannot even admit the possibility of racial progress, because that implies that some types of men are inherently superior to others and that some directions of development are more desirable than other directions.

Whether one prefers the Marxist goal of the greatest happiness for the greatest number or the National Alliance goal of stronger, wiser, and more beautiful men and women is a matter of one's values. It was not on its choice of values that Marxism foundered, however, but on its refusal to recognize the fact of human inequality and the nature of human motivation. When people are not permitted to work for their own profit and advancement, they do not work well; and when a society's leaders do not attain their positions through their own merit, that society is likely to be poorly led.

In contrast to the Marxist system, we recognize the need to permit people to compete, to reap the fruits of their labor, and to exercise leadership according to their demonstrated ability. They will work harder and more efficiently and will order themselves in a hierarchy of ability. The result will be a stronger, better led, and more prosperous society. There will of course, be those individuals who will not work or whose natural abilities are such that they cannot compete effectively. Rather than following the Marxist path of robbing the successful in order to reward the unsuccessful, we must take measures to ensure that society's lowest elements do not multiply and become more numerous in later generations.

The laissez faire capitalist system provides another illustrative contrast. Under such a system the society as a whole has no goals: there are only the goals of individual men and women. The capitalist system, like ours, provides strong incentives for individuals: the strong, aggressive, and clever rise and prosper, and the weak, indecisive, and stupid remain at the bottom. Leaders tend to be capable -- at least, in the capitalist economic environment, with its special conditions.

Without a unifying principle, however, a capitalist society easily can fall prey to certain inherent weaknesses. One of these weaknesses is the instability which leads the rich to become richer and the poor to become poorer, not solely because of differences in ability but because the possession of capital gives the possessor an enormous advantage in the competition for more capital. When personal gain is the only motivation in a society, those who already are rich can arrange things to favour themselves: they can buy the legislation they want, and they can block threats to their power in ways which may be destructive to the welfare of the society as a whole. They can hold down the price of labor, limit healthy competition within the society, and exploit the environment without regard for the long-range consequences.

The overly rigid social stratification resulting from unrestricted capitalism can lead to endemic class hostility and even to class warfare. It can slow racial progress by making the ability to acquire and hold capital the supreme survival trait.

We need an economic system which, in contrast to Marxism, allows individuals to succeed in proportion to their capability and energy, but which, in contrast to capitalism, does not allow them to engage in socially or racially harmful activity, such as stifling competition or importing non-White labor. We need to structure our economic system so that it cannot fall prey to the instability of capitalism. We need to maintain social flexibility, so that capable and energetic individuals always have the possibility of rising. We need to ensure that capital does not have the possibility of changing society's rules to suit itself. The way to achieve and maintain an economic system which meets these criteria is to design and govern the system subject to the supreme principle: the ultimate aim of all economic policy is racial progress.



PROGRAM OF THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE

White men and women find themselves a dwindling minority the world; while Black and Brown populations are growing at an increasing rate, White populations nearly everywhere are at best static. Furthermore, there is an increasing immigration of non-Whites into formerly White areas, accompanied by miscegenation on a massive scale.

If we had only this demographic problem to deal with, our task would be easy. White governments have the means necessary for halting non-White immigration and deporting non-White populations. Such measures, together with a withdrawal of economic and technical aid to the undeveloped areas of the non-White world, would permit natural forces to reverse non-White population growth quickly. Non-Whites have no ability to counter such measures, militarily or otherwise.

Even America's most degenerate urban populations, which have become so degraded morally and ideologically -- so acclimated to egalitarianism and "multiculturalism" -- that all we can hope to salvage from even the racially White elements among them is a selected minority, while the majority perishes in the chaos preceding the final cleansing, can offer no effective resistance to determined governmental action.

Unfortunately, since the end of the Second World War no White government has been under the control of White men with our values and our ideology. White governments everywhere are terminally corrupt, led by collaborators with the Jews. No solution to our demographic problem can be implemented -- and, therefore, no future for our race can be secured -- until we regain control of our governments. Our program, therefore, must have as one of its goals the attainment of governmental power. Nothing short of this can be meaningful in the long run.

By governmental power we mean, of course, the power to make and execute all government policy. This implies a massive replacement of the existing power structures: legislatures, courts, military and police command cadres, and the mass media.

NOW


AS WE BUILD our revolutionary infrastructure and increase our ability to reach the public with our message, the weaknesses in our opponents' infrastructure will become increasingly apparent. At the same time worsening conditions in America will make the public more receptive to us.

LATER


No mere election of a head of state can give us this power; no president or prime minister, even if he is installed by a military coup and has the backing of the top military leaders, can stand alone against the other elements of the power structure in a modern, White state -- especially not against the power of the mass media. In order for any power we aquire to be meaningful it must be total: that is, it must include all the major elements of the power structure.

No non-violent uprising by a militant White element of the population can succeed by itself, nor can a violent uprising, in which marches and demonstrations are accompanied by terrorism and street fighting, achieve success -- so long as the major elements of the power structure remain in the hands of our enemies. No modern, White state can be overthrown by a mob howling outside the citadel; the revolutionaries must already have established a sufficiently strong position inside the citadel before their cohorts outside begin howling. One may think of the so-called "civil rights" revolution in the United States in the decades after the Second World War, in which Blacks burned cities and marched in huge, often violent demonstrations and eventually got their way. The burning and the marching would have availed them nothing, however, had their sympathizers not already been solidly entrenched in the mass media, the Christian churches, the governmental bureaucracy, and the legislatures and courts of the land. In our case the situation is reversed, with those bastions of the power structure in the hands of those who hate us most intensely.

The power we seek cannot be attained by any trickery or subterfuge, by any scheme of gradual infiltration and subversion, by any sudden coup, or by any other superficial or insubstantial means. It can only be attained by first building a solid revolutionary infrastructure capable of sustaining revolutionary action on many fronts over a period of years and then erecting on that infrastructure a power structure of our own, in which each essential element of the power structure opposed to us has its analogue.

Our power structure does not seek to imitate the one we want to replace, or even to compete with it in the normal sense. For example, it would be foolish to imagine that we could build a revolutionary police or military structure which could compete effectively with that of the government. But we can build structures with certain military and police functions which have as their immediate task the coordination of recruiting inside the government's military and police agencies. Their later tasks can be to serve as fully ramified cadres for incorporating and organizing the best human material from the disintegrating governmental military and police structures.

Even our mass media do not attempt to compete with those of the enemy by winning larger audiences. Ours merely aim at reaching the entire White population with our message and making it continually accessible to those who are responsive. We understand that by far the larger part of the White population is and will continue to be more interested in spectator sports or Star Trek than in our message, and we will not try to wean them away from their amusements. Only in the very last stages of revolutionary development will we be competing with the Jews for the attention of this mass element, but by then the competition will be on our terms. Our mass media, however, eventually will provide the indispensable tool for communicating with all the elements of the White population during a critical transitional period between the collapse of one way of life and the establishment of another. A successful attainment of governmental power will not be possible without this tool.

The skeptic, or the person who cannot imagine a state of affairs very different from the one he is accustomed to, will look at the enormous disparity in every element of the power structure between us and our enemies, and he will think that our goal of gaining governmental power is not attainable -- and that if it were possible, it would be only through building a power structure larger and stronger than that of our opponents: building a revolurionary army with more soldiers than the U. S. Army; building television networks with more viewers than ABC, CBS, and NBC; building political organization able to get more voters to the polls than the Democrats or the Republicans. But this is not necessary.

It is not necessary for two reasons: First, the power structure of our opponents is undergoing rapid, degenerative change. It might seem too much to say that the governmental power structure in the United States is self-destructing before our eyes, but its pathology becomes more apparent month by month in many ways: in the increasingly tawdry, "show business" style of political campaigns; in the ever more frequent revelations of the legislators' corruption, personal depravity, and disregard for the laws they make; in the government's increasingly evident fear of its own citizens; above all, in the loss of governmental will to deal with problems requiring strong, decisive, and perhaps unpopular action. It is losing its moral authority and its credibility with the people it governs; fewer and fewer of them regard their government as more than an expensive nuisance, as witnessed by the growing number who simply have stopped voting.

The police and military structures still wield a considerable amount of physical power, based to a large degree on modern technology: computerized police files of dissidents, sophisticated surveillance and eavesdropping equipment, laser-guided missiles, "smart" bombs, and the like. The quality of the human factor in their power is declining rapidly, however. It is not just the ravages of "Affirmative Action" programs on the average competence of government workers or the loss of esprit de corps in the remaining White personnel: more important is the fact that the government's police and military forces have to a very large degree lost their sense of moral justification. They still may be convinced that they are strong enough to impose their will on their opponents, but they no longer have the unshakable conviction that they represent the side of right and justice; idealism has given way to careerism and cynicism. In the long run this will be a mortal weakness.

Even the news and entertainment media, despite their overwhelming influence on every other element of the power structure and on most of the population, are becoming increasingly vulnerable. A growing element of the public regards the media with suspicion, recognizing their anti-White bias and their destructive effect on morals and culture.

The second reason why we don't have to build a power structure as large as the one opposed to us is that all the elements in the population we want to reach with our message are becoming increasingly responsive to that message. At the same time the opposed power structure is losing its own partisans. The government and the Jewish media will continue to have their hard core of support -- Jews, feminists, some homosexuals, some Christians, the radical-liberal New World Order enthusiasts, most of the state and Federal bureaucrats, and others on government or media payrolls -- but outside these special constituencies our enemies have very few real friends left, even among their beneficiaries. Blacks and mestizos as a whole, for example, can hardly be considered a staunch bulwark of the government, despite the favoritism it has shown them. The American population has become much like the Roman mob of old, ready to cheer for any government which can provide it with bread and circuses, but equally ready to turn against the government the moment the supply of those commodities is interrupted -- and never ready to defend the government if any personal sacrifice is required.

To summarize the preceding paragraphs: The situation in America is no longer quasi-static, as it was during most of the l970's and l980's. During that earlier period the Jewish media were able to keep nearly all of the public hypnotized, to provide a false reality for them in the place of the real world around them. Someone would complain that America was becoming darker, poorer, and dirtier. The media would drown him out with a chorus about the value of "diversity," about the evils of "racism," about the wonders of the coming New World Order, and the complaint would be ignored and forgotten by nearly everyone.

Now the process of decay and disintegration has accelerated; now the hypnosis is beginning to wear off as reality becomes too harsh to ignore. The process will continue to accelerate in the future. More and more people will notice that, indeed, the emperor is stark, staring naked, even as the Jewish media continue to extol the beauty and grandeur of his new raiment and denounce those benighted souls who refuse to acknowledge it.

The process is inherently unstable, and nothing that the enemies of our people can do will reverse it. Their power structure will continue to become more pathological, if not physically weaker, in all its elements, and more and more members of the White public will receive our message sympathetically. No one can predict in detail the outcome of this unstable process after it reaches the point where we are able to exert a significant influence on its further development. It is clear, however, that our responsibility now is to continue building a revolutionary infrastructure able to support an opposing power structure which can respond advantageously to all developments.

A revolutionary infrastructure is the structured collection of people and other resources organized for the purpose of carrying on, over an extended period, the full range of activities necessary to the purpose outlined above. Among the necessary activities are the generation and dissemination of propaganda, recruiting, fund raising, self-defense and internal discipline, intelligence gathering and evaluation, planning and guidance. It is the continued enhancement, development, and expansion of such activities that alone can lead to the attainment of the ultimate revolutionary goal.



ACTIVITIES OF NATIONAL ALLIANCE MEMBERS

The members of the National Alliance participate in all of the activities mentioned above, especially in recruiting and in the dissemination of the National Alliance message to the public. This latter activity is made possible by the National Alliance's development of several media: a weekly radio program, a variety of recorded audio and video materials, and a wide range of printed publications.

Radio broadcasting: The National Alliance's weekly program American Dissident Voices, reaches White people around the world via shortwave radio at several times and frequencies. In addition, a number of AM broadcasting stations in the United States carry the program to local or area audiences. The program is aimed at a more general audience than most of the National Alliance's other media. It reaches many thousands of people each week who know that something is seriously wrong with the way their world is being run, but who need help in understanding the details and in comprehending the overall picture, so that they can accept their responsibility to work for a better future. A current broadcast schedule for American Dissident Voices is available from National Vanguard Books.

Distribution of printed materials: Members use National Alliance printed materials -- single-issue stickers and flyers, comic books aimed at teenagers, pamphlets and magazines which are aimed at more serious readers -- to reach the public. By distributing these materials in their communities, they raise public consciousness of important issues, provide essential information not readily available elsewhere, and give interested persons a way to contact the National Alliance. Some members distribute these materials impersonally and anonymously, and others distribute them in a way which provides an opportunity to meet recipients face to face and engage them in conversation.

Internet activity: The National Alliance maintains two main World Wide Web sites on the Internet. The addresses are www.natvan.com and www.natall.com Hundreds of text, image, and audio files are available to the public at these two sites, including articles from National Vanguard magazine, the text of our periodical Free Speech, and a number of audio files that permit visitors actually to listen to our radio broadcasts at their convenience. The catalog of National Vanguard Books also is available at both sites, with descriptions and illustrations of the books and tapes and a downloadable order form.



Letters, meetings, and other activities: Many members make telephone calls to radio talk shows or write letters to the editors of newspapers or magazines as a way of disseminating the National Alliance message. Some members invite interested persons to listening parties in their homes and then tune in American Dissident Voices or play a recording of an earlier broadcast as a way of introducing their guests to the National Alliance.

Recruiting and cadre building: Many members participate in the process of building the National Alliance by engaging in one-on-one recruiting of selected individuals whose training, skiIls, or talents make it possible for them to increase the Alliance's capabilities. Thus, a member who is on the faculty of a university looks for other faculty persons or for exceptional students who are receptive to the National Alliance message; a member who is a businessman seeks opportunities to sound outrecruitecrut other business people with whom he comes in contact; a member who is serving in the armed forces or in a police agency uses his daily interactions with career personnel to select exceptional individuals who are receptive, and he then gives them the opportunity to serve their race while carrying out their military or police functions.



HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE

The National Alliance was organized in February 1974. Many of its first members came from another organization, the National Youth Alliance, which had been founded in 1970 in Virginia by Dr. William Pierce, a young physics professor who left a career of teaching and research at Oregon State University to devote himself to the service of his people.

Although the ideologies of the two organizations were identical, membership in the National Youth Alliance had been restricted to persons under 30 years of age, and that group focused its activities on college and university campuses. Thus, the formation of the National Alliance effected a broadening of the appeal of the National Youth Alliance to include White persons of all ages and occupations.

Because the early l970's were a politically and socially turbulent period, during which Jews and others -- sometimes under the guise of opposition to the Vietnam war -- were organizing violent demonstrations in the streets of America's cities and calling for the destruction of White society, the National Youth Alliance took a militant, confrontational stance in opposition to this destructive activity. The name of the group's first periodical, the tabloid ATTACK!, reflected this stance. During this early period the National Youth Alliance organized many public activities, including street demonstrations with placards and banners denouncing not only the communists, Jews, and other avowed enemies of White America but also the government which tolerated and even encouraged them.

Unfortunately, the scale of the National Youth Alliance's public activities was too small to make a significant impact on current events, government policies, or the public's consciousness. These activities also did not lead to much increase in organizational strength: many of the people who were attracted to the National Youth Alliance by the publicity its activities generated had only shallow, short-term motivations.

As Dr. Pierce and his co-workers came to appreciate more fully the magnitude and the time scale of the task facing them, their approach became more fundamental. By the time the National Alliance was formed in 1974 the programmatic emphasis had shifted from a superficial confrontation with the enemies of our people to the building of the necessary organizational foundation for a final victory over those enemies. Simultaneously the emphasis in recruiting shifted from quantity to quality. In April 1978 the name of the National Alliance's periodical changed from ATTACK! to National Vanguard. The red headlines and exhortations to action in the publication were replaced by sober analyses of the political, social, and racial situation and of the task facing our people.

This is not to say that the National Alliance softened or moderated its approach to the struggle; indeed, May 1978 saw the publication of the first edition of Dr. Pierce's first novel, The Turner Diaries, which had earlier been serialized in ATTACK! and which provoked a storm of reaction from the government and the controlled media. The more fundamental and longer-range program after this time nevertheless brought with it a more mature and serious public image for the National Alliance.

In 1978 a group of members who were especially interested in the religious or spiritual aspects of the National Alliance's work organized the Cosmotheist Community Church.

From 1978 the rate of membership growth also increased substantially for several years. By 1983, however, the stasis of the Reagan era had set in, and recruitment slowed. Throughout the remainder of the l980's there was a gradual decline in membership, and the National Office experienced great difficulty in recruiting staff members of the caliber needed to carry its work forward. In August 1985 the National Office moved from the Washington, DC, area to a rural, mountainous area in West Virginia.

The National Alliance published its second book in 1980, member William Simpson's Which Way Western Man? In the same year it issued the second edition of The Turner Diaries. In 1984 it published the reprint volume, The Best of ATTACK! and National Vanguard Tabloid.

In 1987 the National Alliance's publishing arm, National Vanguard Books, was reorganized as a separate entity. In 1989 Dr. Pierce's second novel, Hunter, was published. In 1991 member Randolph Calverhall's novel, Serpent's Walk, was published.

In 1991 National Vanguard Books began publishing audio cassettes. In December 1991 the National Alliance began broadcasting its message worldwide via shortwave radio with the weekly program American Dissident Voices. In 1992 a number of AM radio stations in the United States also began carrying American Dissident Voices.

In 1993 National Vanguard Books began using full-color comic books as a medium for reaching high school students with the National Alliance message. In the same year work began on a video studio in order to use the video medium for that message.

The first issue of Free Speech, a monthly periodical containing the texts of our radio broadcasts, appeared in January 1995.

By 1989 the climate for recruitment began changing. In much larger numbers than before, White Americans began realizing that their country was headed over the brink to dissolution and ruin and that the politicians in Washington were unwilling and unable to avert disaster. People became much more responsive to the National Alliance's message. The membership stopped declining in mid-1989 and began increasing again. Membership doubled in 1990- 1991 and again in l992. Recruitment rates at the end of l992 were 30 times what they had been in early 1989.



WHY YOU SHOULD JOIN THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE

Strength in unity: As a member of the National Alliance you will be doing something about what is happening to your world, instead of just complaining about it. You will be joining your strength to that of many other men and women with the same beliefs and goals. Working alone you can accomplish relatively little; working in concert with others you can have a much greater effect on the course of events around you.

Guidance for members: By keeping informed through internal National Alliance publications of other members' activities and of ongoing National Alliance programs, you will have both guidance and a wider scope for your own activity. You will be able to draw on the experience and special knowledge of other members instead of relying entirely on your own guesswork.

Making your life count: Nothing in life is more satisfying and fulfilling than making a commitment to a great and impersonal goal and then devoting one's talents and energies to its achievement. As a National Alliance member you will be taking a hand in shaping the future and in determining the destiny of your race. By doing so you will share in its immortality.

A necessary task: In addition to the personal satisfaction and fulfillment of doing something which really matters and which makes your life count, you should join the National Alliance because it is the right thing to do. Any White person who can see the threat to the future of the race today and who refuses, whether from cowardice or selfishness, to stand up for his people does not deserve to be counted among them. The task of the National Alliance is an extraordinarily difficult one, but it is necessary, and that should be the only consideration for any man or woman with a fully developed sense of responsibility.



REQUIREMENTS FOR MEMBERSHIP

Eligibility: Any White person (a non-Jewish person of wholly European ancestry) of good character and at least 18 years of age who accepts as his own the goals of the National Alliance and who is willing to support the program described herein may apply for membership.

Ineligible persons: No homosexual or bisexual person, no person actively addicted to alcohol or to an illegal drug, no person with a non-White spouse or a non-White dependent, and, except in extraordinary circumstances, no person currently confined in a penal institution may be a member. (The National Alliance does not advocate any illegal activity and expects its members to conduct themselves accordingly.)

Application procedure: Any eligible person who wishes to become a member of the National Alliance should fill in completely the application and mail it, along with the $15 application fee and his first month's dues, to the address on the form. A new member will receive a membership pin, a Membership Handbook, and monthly issues of the National Alliance's internal membership newsletter. Members also are sent complimentary issues of National Vanguard magazine and other publications when they are published. (Dues payments are voluntary donations in support of the National Alliance's work. They are not payments for goods or services rendered to the member.)

Anonymity: The anonymity of members is protected scrupulously; as a general policy, no member's name will be publicized or revealed to any other person without the member's explicit consent. Beyond this, a membership applicant who is concerned that his or her welfare, security, or effectiveness as a member might be jeopardized if there were any possibility at all that his or her membership in the National Alliance were revealed may, if he wishes, hold membership under a nom de guerre. Such an applicant should use his nom de guerre on his application form and on all his correspondence about National Alliance matters. His membership card will be issued with that name on it, and he will receive all his mailings from the National Alliance addressed to that name. No records with his true name will be retained. It will be the responsibility of the applicant to ensure that mail addressed to his nom de guerre will be delivered to him by the postal service and to take all other measures required to protect his anonymity, such as paying his dues with cash or money orders instead of personal checks. The National Alliance does not recommend that an applicant use a nom de guerre without a sound reason for doing so. It will not look favorably on any applicant who selects a frivolous nom de guerre





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