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Commentary :: Activism

Policies for Repression

Although it's unclear to what extent the mass media (or as I, turning their own equivocations against them, have now taken to calling them, the 'self-described journalists' embedded in the national newspapers and networks) accurately relayed the events, anyone paying attention to the alternative press during the Republican National Convention knows the extent to which the city of St. Paul did everything in its power to violently and preemptively squash any manifestations of dissent. Most spectacular, perhaps, was the arrest of Democracy Now!'s Amy Goodman along with her producers Sharif Abdel Kouddous and Nicole Salazar, and most troubling are the arrests of the RNC 8, members of the RNC Welcoming Committee, a group which did not plan a single protest itself, but who, due in part to the tales told by paid informants, are facing charges of 'Conspiracy to Riot in Furtherance of Terrorism.'


Of course one could (and should) argue that this repression is the predictable extensions of the illegal and inhumane policies perpetrated as central components of the War on Terror, the new 'standards' for the use of torture and extrajudicial detainment from Abu Ghraib to Guantanamo coming home to roost. And, on the other hand, as anyone who's been involved in direct action activism for a while should recognize, the police in St. Paul were dishing out the latest variation on an old theme —- the practice of how to shut down a counter-summit protest in the United States having become something of a cottage industry for consultants like John Timoney, who cut his police state teeth during the 2000 protests against the RNC in Philadelphia, and went on to formulate what's been called 'The Miami Model' during the anti-FTAA protests in 2003.


Nevertheless, the recent events in St. Paul have brought to light a new element in this distressing constellation of surveillance, midnight raids at gunpoint, preemptive detention, and an ever expanding political expediency of the charge of 'terrorism'. While it's one thing for activists to suspect that the suppression of dissent is becoming a standard operating procedure, it's another thing entirely to see cities and police departments themselves recognizing this explicitly. The city of St. Paul was proud to announce that taxpayers would not bear the brunt of any lawsuits leveled against the city and its police response —- for it had had the foresight to compel the Republican Party itself (in other words, it's corporate sponsors) to take out an insurance policy which would indemnify the city against whatever claims the rabble might bring against it, to the tune of $10 million in coverage. Apparently, at least since the 2004 RNC protests in NYC, where settlements so far have run to at least $2 million, this kind of 'forward thinking' has become de rigeur for the host city of a convention wanting to make sure that the temporary elimination of civil liberties doesn't come at too high a cost.

The innovative St. Paul strategy was to pass these costs, in the form of an insurance policy, onto the private Republican Party and by extension its corporate backers (for whom financing conventions "host committees" offers a way of neatly circumventing all laws limiting political contributions). In other words, the very people who would benefit from an atmosphere designed to smash political opposition could foot the bill. Such insurance policies, as noted above, are not new: Denver, for instance, also had such a policy, but they paid the tab themselves (albeit using some of the federal money they had received for convention-related security expenses.) While Amy Goodman reports that "According to a recent article in National Underwriter magazine, 'Both the Republican National Committee and Democratic National Committee refused to comment on their insurance purchasing decisions, or even reveal who was providing coverage for their respective conventions.'", an article in USA Today (9/5) states that

"Both cities purchased their polices through Boston-based Lexington Insurance Co."

Consider the implications here. Not only do such policies mitigate the financial risks of eliminating the possibility of public protest, they actually turn such antidemocratic strategies into a potentially lucrative source of private profit! Forget producing tear gas or other "non-lethal" weaponry —- the real money seems to be in helping city governments make tyranny a more manageable expense.

In a further twist, Lexington Insurance is a member company of AIG —- the very same AIG that was bailed out of bankruptcy by a $85 billion bridge loan from the Federal Reserve on September 16th, resulting in a 79.9% stake in AIG now being held by the federal government. In effect, the financing of repression has now been effectively socialized, but as with all of the recent federal interventions into the crumbling American economy, this is not the nationalization of a profitable enterprise, but the nationalization of risk and losses. And now we're apparently expected not only to have our margins for dissent narrowed to the point of irrelevance by an increasingly repressive police regime in the streets, but we're now paying the bill for this twice —- once as taxpayers financing the municipal police and their federal counter-summit expense grants, and again as taxpayers left holding the bag on the catastrophically-collapsing insurance company which has been facilitating these policies of repression by making them more affordable.


Appendix:


To get a sense for the flavor of repression-related expense insurance claims, I've included the following claims scenario, taken from the AIG website


Title: Bodily Injury Arising Out Of Public Uprising (CA) 
Injury: Bodily Injury 
Potential Liability*
(Above Attachment Amount) : $ 701,000 
Industry: Public Administration 
Attachment: $ 2,000,000 
Limit: $ 10,000,000 
Liability Type: Misc. 

Description: Over 100 of Insured's police officers were dispatched to disburse a crowd of 2000 protesters of the war in Iraq. Police used non-lethal devices to control crowd. Several witnesses stated that police were improperly using the devices. Fifty-nine claimants allege bodily injuries ranging from strains, sprains and bruising. 

*Calculations based on information in ISO Circulars General Liability Trend Data and Analysis and Commercial Automobile Trend Data and Analysis. An annual Excess Severity Trend of 7% was selected. Potential liability figure represents only the first layer of coverage above the primary. This data does not represent claims that exceed the lead excess casualty.


 
 
 

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