What’s going on in Balochistan?

By Zabe Azkar Hussain

KARACHI: Is the release of workers belonging the Jamhoori Wattan Party (JWP) and other allies a result of an underhanded deal or a sort of compromise between dissident Baloch leaders and the government?

Political observers note that recent developments, such as the release of Bilal Bugti, brother of Senator Agha Shahid Bugti, Brahim Saleh and dozens of political workers arrested after the murder of JWP chief Nawab Akbar Bugti, was a clear indication that the government was now adopting a lenient line in the case of JWP workers.

Sources reveal that the release of Murtuza Bugti, son of the late Ahmed Nawaz Bugti (brother of Nawab Bugti) was also currently under consideration and in the offing.

On the other hand, the JWP leadership has not pressured its legislators to tender their resignations in practical terms. Observers note that though Sardar Akhtar Mengal and other BNP legislators had forwarded their resignations, the JWP, the MMA and other parties or alliances had not taken a resolute stand on the resignations as a mark of protest against the murder of Nawab Bugti or the alleged military operation in Balochistan, which, in turn, has indirectly discouraged dissidents in their struggle against the Balochistan government.

On the contrary, the Balochistan government was making every effort to find a way to improve the overall law and order situation in the province and were taking leaders into confidence on different political issues.

Raziq Bugti, political advisor to the Balochistan Chief Minister, in a telephonic interview with The News, said that “We are exploring every avenue to ensure that the political process is not be disturbed in the province, but one thing is very clear that the people of Balochistan are not hand in glove with the Sardars and the actual position is that there is not a single big chief that can secure any seat from Balochistan.”

Commenting on the recent developments, Raziq Bugti maintained that the prisoners, about 150 in number, have all been released. The claims of the JWP that 4000 to 5000 of its workers were behind bars was a concocted story and the factual position was that those involved in sabotage, which were not more than 30, remained in detention and would be properly tried before the courts of law.

The Advisor agreed to a suggestion that there was a political vacuum in the province, which, he added, ‘Sardars’ and ‘Chiefs’ could not fill, and which could only be addressed by conscious political workers and by the true representatives of the masses. Replying to a question, the Advisor said there were no movements resisting the policies of the government and instead only a few individuals were trying to create law and order problems, yet the overall situation was well in hand.

He further contended that the ‘Jirga’ of the tribal chiefs that had been held to examine the current situation was not a critical development. Besides, he said, the formation of a Grand Council was also further proof that the Sardars, Chiefs and especially the opponents of the government were not powerful enough to initiate a meaningful movement against the government. He claimed that the family of Bugti was divided due to contradictions within the tribe and family, hence there was not a single leader that could play a powerful role similar to that of Nawab Bugti. He argued that though the elder son of Akbar Bugti, Jameel, was a traditional member of the tribe, he had no political role, whereas the younger son, Talal, was so politically weak that he could not secure a single seat from Balochistan. Similarly, other members of the family were least interested in politics.

Conversely, though local JWP leader Saleem Afshani agreed to the suggestion that a lenient streak had been witnessed in the policies of the government regarding JWP leaders and workers, he said nothing could be concluded on this base. He pointed out that his party was going to evolve a clear strategy against the ‘Shahadat’ of Bugti as well as other political issues being faced by the party after Eidul Fitr.

Meanwhile, another leader, President of Baloch National Movement, Ghulam Muhammad Baloch, said he was unaware of any situation that would see Bilal Bugti released or whether the release of Murtuza Bugti was in the offing, but rumours were rife. He said he had also heard reports that Fahad Bugti, brother of Murtuza Bugti, had been arrested as he was missing and none of his family members were cognizant of his whereabouts. He pointed out that Murtuza Bugti was arrested before the workers and leaders had initiated a movement against the government. Yet, he declared, the youths and masses of Balochistan were not giving up their struggle against the dictators.

He said that a number of people, including Nawab Akbar Bugti, were martyred during a military operation. The martyrdom of the Nawab had given fresh zeal to leaders and workers of almost all political parties in Balochistan in their efforts against the fascist actions of the rulers. Furthermore, says Baloch, the claims of the government that there was no powerful movement opposed to its actions was totally false and baseless.

He said that the Interior Minister himself had admitted that more than 4000 people were behind bars, yet the Balochistan Government rejected this figure saying that a large number were, in fact, illegal immigrants. He argued that just recently some 18 students and writers were awarded five years’ imprisonment and a fine of Rs50,000 imposed on each by an Anti Terrorism Court in Pusni. This indicated that the claim of having only 30 prisoners on the part of the government had little or no worth.

The conflict in the views and claims of pro and anti government elements could not be starker. Yet, it continues that little can be deduced from either’s assertions.