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Commentary :: Crime & Police

Running From Robert Rudolph

The recent sentencing of Eric Robert Rudolph calls into question some of the ideological underpinnings of our current administration.
Running from Robert Rudolph

By Jeffrey Ian Ross, Ph.D.

On the surface it would appear that Eric Robert Rudolph, the Olympic Park bomber who was also responsible for a slew of attacks between 1996-1998, is a major catch for U.S. law enforcement. But little has been said by the nation's leaders about the resolution of this case. That may because politically it hits a little close to home.

Although perhaps we knew all along why Rudolph did his crimes, last week, at his sentencing elocution the public got a better sense of his motivations. Rudolph, who explained his reasons in an 11-page screed during his plea-bargained sentencing, is a product of his times, a revolt against the Bill and Hillary Clinton neoliberalism of the 1990s. It was a time when the federal government was finally taking abortion rights and gay rights seriously, and like no other preceding administration was appointing women and minorities to some of the highest positions of power. To many, Rudolph was a folk hero, like Paul Bunyan or Jesse James, revolting against an allegedly out-of-touch and demonized Washington that they believed was making decisions that would adversely affect the rest of the country.

Many of Rudolph's extreme views, in some strange and disturbing way, dovetail with those of the Christian right -- a source of strong popular support for the current administration, and arguably the deciding factor in gaining Bush a second term. Rudolph's diatribe is anti-gay, anti-abortion -- and naturally about how he saw himself as carrying out his "fundamental duty" as a citizen to use force to stop what he believed were crimes against society, as perpetrated by a corrupt government.

"All governments everywhere, including our own, have their roots in usurpation," Rudolph wrote.

While he was on the run, Rudolph seemed to capitalize on his folk hero status and on the romance of the lone guy striking back at the big bad feds and their silly policies and laws protecting a women’s right to an abortion, gays in the military, and equal opportunity. His animus for a society that he saw as running amok could only be set right through violent action. Shirts emblazoned with the slogan “Run Ruddy Run” were printed and worn with pride by some of his supporters. It could also be argued that the FBI's rush to judgment with respect to security guard Richard Jewel, the initial suspect in the Olympics bombing, only fueled empathy for Rudolph's cause. The longer he eluded capture, the more he appeared to be above the law.

Rudolph was supported by a loose group of individuals, including “Identity” Christians, who were quick to draw parallels between him and Randy Weaver. Weaver attained a kind of celebrity status from some in the conservative right, not to mention the Aryan Nations, after his 1992 standoff with the Federal Bureau of Investigation at Ruby Ridge, Idaho.

What disturbs me about all of this is plain: Now that the case is closed, there has been little serious public dialogue concerning Rudolph’s horrific acts and his motives.

Now that Rudolph is locked up for good, it's time to seek answers to a number of questions. For one thing, too little has been said about those who may have helped, colluded with, and/or sustained him while he was underground. Are there warrants pending for their arrest, or has the Justice Department given up and focused their attention on more pressing matters? I suspect that politics may be a reason for law enforcement's reticence. Charging one or more co-conspirators could be more trouble than it's worth. Those involved in the case may also be just too exhausted or hyper-sensitized to make headway in this direction.

Then there is the racist, sexist, and homophobic movement from which Rudolph sprang. Do they feel triumphant that their man, though jailed for good, will live out his days? Many observers were surprised that Rudolph pleaded guilty so quickly. It may have made more sense for him to seek some classic political show trial, but perhaps in post-9/11 America the public has less tolerance for this sort of thing.

Perhaps most important is the fact that President Bush and Attorney General Alberto Gonzales’s Justice Department have been nearly silent on the Rudolph case. Unlike other high profile criminal matters, no press conference was called by Gonzales or other leading Department of Justice officials to say that the Department was satisfied with the outcome.

Instead, Rudolph appeared triumphant in court, smirking and answering with pride to the charges read by the judge.

"I have deprived the government of its goal of sentencing me to death," he wrote in his manifesto.

In the end, it could be argued that unlike Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh, Rudolph was not willing to die for his deranged cause. Only when it was convenient did he talk the talk. When it came time to face his accusers, he could not walk the walk. During McVeigh's trial, the accused was happy to portray the government as the patsy, even if it meant that a loss in court would likely result in the death penalty. And that's exactly what happened.

Unfortunately, neither McVeigh nor Rudolph could be stopped before they passed sentence on their innocent victims.

Jeffrey Ian Ross, Ph.D. is an associate professor in the Division of Criminology, Criminal Justice and Social Policy and a Fellow in the Center for Comparative and International Law, at the University of Baltimore. His website is www.jeffreyianross.com.
 
 
 

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